Answering Helen Zille

I seem to recall, not so long ago, in the South African National Convention at Sandton last year madam Helen Zille telling the gathered there that in the coming elections the opposition parties should try to rise above petty politics and concentrate on fighting the juggernaut power of the African National Congress (ANC). From reading her 2009 second week letter in the Democratic Alliance (DA), where she castigates the Congress of the People (COPE) for being not better than the ANC, I guess she’s no longer singing from that sheet.

Madam Zille writes; ‘it should be clear to all South Africans that the substantive choice in this election is between the ANC’s “closed crony society for some” and the DA’s “open, opportunity society for all”. . . The emergence of COPE, and the role it plays in breaking down the ANC’s monolith, should not blur this fundamental distinction. If it does, it could do more harm than good.’ Madam Zille further says ‘The split in the ANC is a direct result of the struggle for control between rival factions of a patronage-based system . . .’ And goes on to allege that the leadership of COPE is made of the same people that consolidate ‘the closed, crony system and blur the lines between party and state – a step which often signals the irreversible decline of an emerging democracy.’ Leaving aside the clear electioneering opportunism of madam Zille’s accusation, let’s see if there’s any credence in all this.

The most irresponsible statement Helen Zille makes is this; ‘Ironically, the party’s list selection process that most closely conforms to the “closed patronage model” is COPE’s. A small leadership group chooses every other representative in the party, including themselves.’ COPE ascertains that its leaders should be elected by its constituencies, which means the list of candidates should come from the Voter Districts (VD) [COPE operates on Voter District ground structure, along the Independent Election Council guidelines, instead of Branch system like most South African political parties.]

In Bloemfontein, late last year, when the interim national leadership of COPE was to be elected, it became apparent that most of the provinces didn’t have proper VD structures [It must be remembered that COPE is hardly few months old]. A decision was then made for the province representatives present at the party launch to make lists of proposals for national leadership. Most provinces came up with the required list, with the exception of Western Province that could not come up with an agreed list in time. I won’t get into the details of how that was resolved, its party internal matter. Suffice to say from the lists prepared by the provinces an aggregate was taken, based on proportional representation of all racial, ethnic, gender, age groups. The bulk of people on provincial lists became the present interim leadership structure of COPE. To say this was made by a ‘small leadership group’ of ‘closed patronage model’ is misrepresentation of facts to say the least.

‘While all candidate selection processes create a measure of conflict, it is predictable that the COPE approach will still result in profound ructions for the new party.’ Madame Zille writes. The only ruction COPE’s national election of leadership drew was the duration the structure should take. Some people felt two years was too long for an interim structure. Admittedly, there are tensions in the creation of provincial leadership at present. This because COPE is largely made up of groups from different cultural and political culture. COPE is learning the best ways to accommodate and represent these groupings. Indication is, with some difficulties, the principles of the party are prevailing.

As for the sore loser theory from Polokwane, it is tiring to have to answer this allegation. How is Charlotte Lobe a sore loser for instead, since she was elected in the present ANC National Executive Council from which she voluntarily resigned to join COPE at great political, financial and personal risk to herself. What gains of power is Terror Lekota looking for when he was not even willing to stand on the interim leadership structure of COPE and had to be persuaded in a protracted process to do so for the stability of the fledgling party. For that matter, most people who are in COPE leadership structure are doing so rather at great financial and personal strain; what is so attractive about that? And where does madam Zille feature people the likes of COPE second deputy editor,Odendaal, in her accusations? The fact is, COPE membership as it is now is largely made up of people who’ve never took any interests in politics before, and not of ANC breakaways as wrongly perceived.

Another misnomer is the notion of COPE’s lack of identity as insinuated by madam Zille when she says; ‘COPE now faces the challenge of showing that it is different from the ANC, that it is not merely a bunch of sore losers seeking to hold on to their positions by creating a separate electoral platform for themselves.’ COPE is a movement for the dawn of new era in South African politics, founded on the promise of commitment to the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa as a will of the people of democratic values that are sensitive to individual and minority rights. COPE believes human rights overrides even democratic ones. That everyone's right to life, liberty, property, free speech, freedom of worship and assembly, and other fundamental rights, are given by life and may not be subjected to vote, or depend on the outcome of electioneering.

Having seen how easy it is for majority political parties to manipulate the governing laws of the republic to suite the capricious and arbitrary power of the day, COPE founders saw that it is not enough to merely legislate laws if the values and ideals espoused by legislation for the public good is not robustly defended, or does not become part of the very fabric of political process. By doing so they woke many of us who were apolitical and complacent under the illusion that our country was in a correct political path.

COPE believes all political and legal developments must be measured against the moral principles that lie at the core of our human rights. Thus COPE sees that Rechsstaat, i.e. a society based on the rule of law, is not sufficient. We need to create a society based on social justice and dedicated to higher moral calling. This requires not simply good laws but also leadership of knowledgeable insight who are untarnished by duplicitous moral and ethical dubiousness. Hence COPE seeks to strive to be led by effective, competent, efficient, industrious leaders with organisational qualities and deeper sense of truth; a leadership who must despise personal gains at the expense of the public at large.

Another issue that has recently been in fashion is that of accusing COPE of evasive strategy when it comes to Affirmative action and Black Economic Empowerment. Madam Zille and Jimmy Manyi are examples of different extreme, which suggests that COPE in its endeavour in taking the mean between nationalist and liberal politics must be doing something right. For clarity, COPE’s Draft Policy Document has this to say on the BEE issue: ‘While in the recent past there has arisen a small group of empowered blacks or the so-called black elite, and there are signs that generally the middle-class is on the rise . . . there remains high levels of inequalities in South Africa. Race politics cannot be ignored; they still loom large. However, with class inequalities gaining prominence, race is gradually losing weight as a factor of inequality. What this means is that social tensions are not only limited to inter-race tensions; intra-race tensions along class lines are also slowly emerging. . .’

There’s another reality that is gradually emerging in South Africa – that of ‘poor whites problem’. COPE policy draft document says; ‘This also should not be overlooked on the account of the state’s Constitution imperatives however emotive this issue can be. This should be treated as part of the wider problem of rising class inequalities and poverty in society rather a special case . . . [All] this requires us to revisit some of the elements of economic policy, notably the BEE and give more meaningful effect to its broad-based component as well as to examine its social costs with respect of racial harmony.’ To an extent that it was suggested, by one of COPE’s prominent member, Farouk Cassim, that we should henceforth call this Grassroots Economic Empowerment (GEE) instead of BEE to clarify our stand of wishing to include all disadvantage people for empowerment.

It is perhaps not surprising that those of stagnant and moribund politics feel threatened by COPE’s gain of momentum and strategic positioning. Historical factors, especially its lure of proper mean between nationalist and liberal politics, are on COPE’s side, which is why it is quickly capturing the imagination of South Africans. But one would expect that at least even in politicking parties would be fair and try to criticise from an informed position. The firing pressures directed towards COPE will only serve to clarify its principles and purify its leadership. COPE is not prepared to enter into mudslinging with other political parties. Instead it invites all South Africans of goodwill to remember the rock they were hewn from, and rediscover the hope of the society they sort to build when Nelson Mandela became the president of the country.

Towards building the just society it envisages COPE commits itself towards working for:

• Rapid and sustainable economic growth.
• Distribution of resources in a fair and equitable manner that does not prejudice against others.
• Creation of fair and equal opportunities for all, regardless of colour, gender, age, or creed.
• A Constitutional democracy depending on the superiority of the constitution and committing to upholding it.
• Building a competent and apolitical public service that is composed of qualified civil servants who are committed to taking services to the people.
• Rallying all South Africans behind the idea of hard work and self-uplifment with commitment towards a vision of creating and sustaining conditions for prosperity and peace, especially in the African continent.
• Inspiring the nation with visionary leadership and commitment with moral and ethical values.
• Finding a new political narrative that fits our social needs and times, away from stagnant politics of prejudice, without neglecting our proud history of liberation struggle and individual rights.